Making Amends for Slavery?

A majority of Americans oppose reparations, according to most recent polls. Those against it argue that the country has already done away with the racial injustices of the past. They also note that reparations, in any case, would be too complicated. But supporters argue that slave labor helped build the American economy. They say that slavery created vast wealth that most African Americans have never shared in.

The argument for reparations may be gaining traction now because of today’s technology, says William A. Darity Jr., an economist at Duke University and a leading scholar on reparations. Social media has called attention to police violence against unarmed black people, he says. And many activists have used their online platforms to advocate for reparations. Others say the nation has waited too long already and must make amends.

“There’s been a realization that more is needed to move us toward a more just society,” says Marc Morial, president and CEO of the National Urban League. “The country cannot progress as long as the stain of segregation and slavery still hangs over us.”

The idea of compensating those who have suffered injustice at the hands of the government is nothing new. But there’s no exact template to follow when it comes to reparations—although certain groups of Americans have gotten them before (see “Who Has Received Reparations?” below). In fact, while enslaved people never got reparations, some slaveowners did, a long time ago. In 1862, President Lincoln signed a bill that paid slaveowners in Washington, D.C., who were loyal to the Union up to $300 for every enslaved person they freed.

The situation would be complicated for African Americans seeking reparations today. About 47 million Americans identified as black or African American in the last census; the majority are descended from those who were enslaved in the U.S., but others are more recent migrants from Africa or elsewhere, making it harder to narrow down who would qualify.

The idea of paying those who have suffered injustice at the hands of the government is nothing new. Certain groups of Americans have gotten reparations before. Still, there’s no exact template to follow (see “Who Has Received Reparations?” below).

In fact, while enslaved people never got reparations, some slaveowners did, a long time ago. In 1862, President Lincoln signed a bill that paid slaveowners in Washington, D.C., who were loyal to the Union. They received up to $300 for every enslaved person they freed.

The situation would be complex for African Americans seeking reparations today. About 47 million Americans identified as black or African American in the last census. The majority of them are descended from those who were enslaved in the U.S. But others are more recent migrants from Africa or elsewhere. That makes it harder to narrow down who would qualify.

Darity suggests two requirements for reparations: having at least one ancestor who was enslaved in the U.S. and having identified oneself as African American on a legal document for at least a decade before the approval of any reparations. The 10-year rule, he says, would help screen out anyone trying to cash in. He estimates that roughly 30 million Americans might be eligible.

Many advocates of reparations aren’t necessarily looking for the government to write checks. Instead, they say, the government could offer assistance to address the effects of slavery and racially discriminatory federal policies that have resulted in a huge wealth gap between white and black people. Research shows, for example, that the median white family has 41 times more wealth than the median African American family. And while black people make up 13 percent of the U.S. population, they hold less than 3 percent of the country’s wealth, according to the Samuel DuBois Cook Center on Social Equity.

To fix the racial wealth gap, advocates say they’d like the government to provide things like zero-interest homeowner loans, free college tuition, and community development to spur the growth of black-owned businesses.

Darity suggests two requirements for reparations. First, those who qualify should have at least one ancestor who was enslaved in the U.S. Second, they must have identified as African American on a legal document for at least a decade before the approval of any reparations. The 10-year rule, he says, would help screen out anyone trying to cash in. He estimates that roughly 30 million Americans might be eligible.

Many advocates of reparations aren’t exactly looking for the government to write checks. Instead, they say, the government could offer assistance to address the effects of slavery and racially discriminatory federal policies. In doing so, that could begin to close the huge wealth gap between white and black people. For example, research shows that the median white family has 41 times more wealth than the median African American family. And while black people make up 13 percent of the U.S. population, they hold less than 3 percent of the country’s wealth, according to the Samuel DuBois Cook Center on Social Equity.

Advocates say that the government can fix the racial wealth gap. They say that could be achieved through things like zero-interest homeowner loans, free college tuition, and community development to spur the growth of black-owned businesses.

For the past three decades, lawmakers in the House of Representatives have repeatedly introduced a bill called H.R. 40. It was named for the 40-acres promise. If passed, the bill would allow an appointed group to study the effects of slavery. That group would also make recommendations to Congress about “any form of apology and compensation” to descendants of enslaved people.

The bill was ignored for 30 years. But in 2019, an impassioned hearing about it made headlines. Still, even if the bill were to make it through the House, it would face opposition in the Senate.

“I don’t think reparations for something that happened 150 years ago, for whom none of us currently living are responsible, is a good idea,” Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, said before the hearing. “We’ve tried to deal with our original sin of slavery by fighting a civil war, by passing landmark civil rights legislation. We elected an African American president.”

While the government debates what to do, some schools that benefited from the slave trade are taking matters into their own hands. Last fall, the Virginia Theological Seminary in Alexandria, Virginia, announced it was creating a $1.7 million fund for activities that “promote justice and inclusion” to make up for the fact that the school once used enslaved labor. A month later, Princeton Theological Seminary in Princeton, New Jersey, pledged $27 million for scholarships and initiatives to address its historical ties to slavery.

While the government debates what to do, some schools that benefited from the slave trade are taking matters into their own hands. Last fall, the Virginia Theological Seminary in Alexandria, Virginia, announced it was creating a $1.7 million fund for activities that “promote justice and inclusion” to make up for the fact that the school once used enslaved labor. A month later, Princeton Theological Seminary in Princeton, New Jersey, pledged $27 million for scholarships and initiatives to address its historical ties to slavery.

And at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., young people are leading the fight for reparations. Last spring, students voted to increase each person’s tuition by $27.20 per semester. That increase would raise roughly $380,000 each year to benefit descendants of 272 enslaved people who were sold by the school in 1838 to keep it afloat. But Georgetown ultimately decided not to raise fees on students. Instead, the university moved to raise $400,000 a year on its own to benefit the descendants.

The school’s decision upset many of the young people on campus. The fund wasn’t meant to just offer charity. It was supposed to help build a positive relationship between students and the descendants of those who were sold in 1838.

Still, efforts to make things right are crucial, students say.

“Slavery can never be quantified,” says junior Maya Moretta. “You can never actually pay back for that legacy, but what you can do is try. You can never get anywhere without the first step.” •

With additional reporting by Patricia Cohen, Adeel Hassan, Jack Healy, and Sheryl Gay Stolberg of The New York Times.

With additional reporting by Patricia Cohen, Adeel Hassan, Jack Healy, and Sheryl Gay Stolberg of The New York Times.